The Quest For Wisdom Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

The Quest For Wisdom - Essay Example For Pieper, the manner of Liesure contemplation is escorted and saturated by an unforced consciousness for religion, the thoughtful dream of the intellectus, which is not lively but inert, or somewhat amenable, the commotion of the spirit in which it envisages that which it sees freedom. Both the ancients considered intellectus as being previously beyond the globe selected to man. And however it belonged to man, although in one intellect superhuman; the simply human by itself could not satisfy man's powers of understanding, for man, of his very temperament, reaches out beyond the globe of the human. For Plato the finest in him is, even though the understanding which is mainly attribute of the human spirit happens in the form of fraction, never the less there is in it a type of contribution in the uncomplicated knowledge which is appropriate to superior beings, of whom it is consequently said that they hold the sense of religious visualization. But for Pieper, the aptitude to detain t he religious conscience in the similar way that our eye captures illumination or our ear sound. And is the noblest form of human existence. But awareness in philosophy is focussed upon the entire of being and begins with a scholarly instinct of being, as such rooted in the wisdom of touch; this is what is identical on both the authors. Plat

Christian Counseling Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Christian Counseling - Essay Example This is the reason why church counseling had been given birth. The issues that could be addressed by individuals towards the church are not limited. The fact that the authorities of the church are believed to have been continuously assisted by God in all their ways, it could not be denied that the assistance they provide believing individuals is indeed practical and applicable. People spend millions of dollars on self-help books and professional counseling. While the advice thus found may sometimes be helpful, a Christian's faith leads him to a far better source of aid. Says James: "So, if any one of you is lacking in wisdom, let him keep on asking God, for he gives generously to all and without reproaching; and it will be given him. But let him keep on asking in faith, not doubting at all, for he who doubts is like a wave of the sea driven by the wind and blown about." (James 1:5,6) A Christian's faith is the guarantee that such divine aid will be provided. He has no hesitancy about approaching God in this way, for 'he has this freeness of speech and an approach with confidence through his faith in [Christ].'(Ephesians 3:12) True, the degree that professional counselors garnered from their respective universities cannot be denied to have a certain level of high standard when it comes to dealing with individuals who are having problems of different sorts. However, this truth cannot also be denied of the fact that their counseling procedures are based upon the capability of humans to resolve their issues. How the Church Handles Counseling On the contrary, the church relies on the most powerful source of knowledge and practical counsel, the Bible. Admittedly, the direction God gives people can at times seem difficult, perhaps even impossible-to implement. Abraham, for example, received God's promise that he and his wife were to have a son. Considering the fact that their reproductive powers were 'dead,' attempting to have this child seemed futile. Yet, says Paul: "Although [Abraham] did not grow weak in faith, he considered his own body, now already deadened, as he was about one hundred years old, also the deadness of the womb of Sarah. But because of the promise of God he did not waver in a lack of faith, but became powerful by his faith, giving God glory and being fully convinced that what he had promised he was also able to do." (Romans 4:19-21) From Abraham's example, it could be noted that the only thing needed to have fine results from the Church's way of counseling is to have faith that these particular guidance assistances could lead to the betterment of the situations that each individual deals with at present. While God is not at this time performing such direct miracles, Christians today find

Strategic Management Accounting Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Strategic Management Accounting - Coursework Example The group has diversified its business to a vast magnitude in the past few years in various sectors for a successful venture. This particular strength has further helped the company to develop a strong brand and gain an impressive reputation in the market. In the similar context, it can also be argued that the brand reputation of the organisation is creating pressure on its management to preserve its success record and suffice the customers’ demand with consistent performances. Due to massive diversification, the corporate group has also faced few issues with respect to its services and strategic management initiatives. The business has accordingly been using the concept of brand stretching for its various products as well as services. With regard to Fransoko Group, strategic management is an important consideration required for the success of the business. There are various strategic factors that affect the business and its success, such as the management style, financial per formance as well as other relevant aspects, as can be apparently observed from the case reference. Industry rivalry- Fransoko will face intense rivalry from its competitors to enter the new market. To attain the required market share, the company will need to appoint skilled managers to accomplish their objectives. Although the personality of the Chairman deciphers his effective leadership abilities, it shall not be sufficient in meeting the intense rivalry and hence, proper strategic planning will be required. Bargaining Power of the suppliers- Suppliers need to provide resources on regular basis for the company to develop its market worldwide. Quality along with the reliability of the supplier is also deemed as an important issue, which needs to be mitigated by managing the resources effectively. Bargaining Power of the buyers- The bargaining power of the buyer is high in the industry context of Fransoko and therefore, it is

Magical Healthy Goodies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Magical Healthy Goodies - Essay Example She plans to receive orders and preferences regarding goods through wall postings and messages. The products will be delivered two days after the order is posted on Facebook. The proposed business is in its start up phase. At this stage the aim of the business is to earn as much profits as possible to finance the initial set up of the business. Another objective of the business is to create awareness about its existence and get many customers. She cannot afford to use expensive methods of advertising her products. The business also aims to establish a reputation of always delivering goods on time and a reputation of selling good quality and healthy goods. The business cannot afford to pay the salary of too many employees. Ms Fatmah Hemdan has decided to appoint Ms. Alyaa Mohamed as her personal assistant and she would look after the entire business management. The business activity is a home-based business, named as Magical Healthy Goddies. Products offered are healthy and low calorie products like Cookies, Pastries and cakes. Customization of products is also intended to be available according to the needs and demands of the customers. Ms Fatmah Hemdan has decided to use the social networking site, Facebook for marketing her goods. This hardly involves any expenditure and will help her to get her initial set of customers. After her goods become popular she can expect to get more customers through ‘word of mouth’ publicity. This company is a sole proprietorship. The main stakeholder in this company is the owner herself. Ms Fatmaha has to be careful to avoid undercapitalization and has to ensure that the business has sufficient working capital. Ms Fatmah may take a loan from the bank to meet the initial start up and operating expenses. Banks may not lend seed capital and she might have to borrow from her close relatives. Therefore the stakeholders in the company would be

Choking - airway blockage Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Choking - airway blockage - Essay Example One evening, while he was eating his evening snack of milk and cookies, he started coughing with difficulties. His strenuous cough raised the alarm to the caregiver who immediately tried to perform Heimlich maneuver in order to restore the condition, but the aged man did not respond. The man later died after some minutes. Despite the effort of the caregiver, it is evident that man died due to lack of supervision from the caregiver while he was eating (Cuomo, 2012). Dysphagia and aspiration problems increase with age and therefore old people are the most at risk of choking (Bronwyn, 2002). Some of the risk factors associated with aspiration include muscles weakness while chewing and swallowing, seizure disorder, eating too fast, lack of proper eating position, and absent or decreased gag reflex. However, there are precautions that can be followed to reduce the risk of choking or aspiration. Some of them include avoiding excessive sedation, feeding on small amounts of food, allowing rest period before meals, and use of thickened liquids such as nectars. Choking can also be prevented through feeding while upright and putting food on unaffected strong side for stroke

Internet Cafes Essay Example for Free

Internet Cafes Essay WITHIN a few months China will overtake America as the country with the worlds largest number of internet users. Even when you factor in (include s/t as a relevant element when making a decision) Chinas size and its astonishing rate of GDP growth, this will be a remarkable achievement for what remains a poor economy. For the past three years China has also been the worlds largest exporter of information and communications technology (ICT). It already has the same number of mobile-phone users (500m) as the whole of Europe. China is by no means the only emerging economy in which new technology is being eagerly embraced. In frenetic (fast and energetic) Mumbai, everyone seems to be jabbering (talk rapidly and excitedly) non-stop on their mobile phones: according to Indias telecoms regulator, half of all urban dwellers have mobile- or fixed-telephone subscriptions and the number is growing by 8m a month. The India of internet cafà ©s and internet tycoons produces more engineering graduates than America, makes software for racing cars and jet engines and is one of the top four pharmaceutical producers in the world. In a different manifestation of technological progress, the countrys largest private enterprise, Tata, recently unveiled the â€Å"one lakh car†; priced at the equivalent of $2,500, it is the worlds cheapest. Meanwhile, in Africa, people who live in mud huts use mobile phones to pay bills or to check fish prices and find the best market for their catch. Yet this picture of emerging-market technarcadia (ideal techno paradise) is belied (fail to give a true notion) by parallel accounts of misery and incompetence. Last year ants ate the hard drive of a photographer in Thailand. Last week internet usage from Cairo to Kolkata was disrupted after something—probably an earthquake—sliced through two undersea cables. Personal computers have spread slowly in most emerging economies: three-quarters of low-income countries have fewer than 15 PCs per 1,000 people—and many of those computers are gathering dust (1). And the feting (celebration) of prominent technology projects in emerging economies is sometimes premature. Nicholas Negroponte, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has long been championing a $100 laptop computer, presented with most fanfare at the World Economic Forum in Davos two years ago. The laptop was supposed to sweep through poor countries, scattering knowledge and connectivity all around (2). But the project is behind schedule, the computer does not work properly and one prominent backer, Intel, a  chipmaker, has pulled out. So how well are emerging economies using new technology, really? Hitherto, judgments have had to be based largely on anecdotes. Now the World Bank has supplemented the snapshot evidence with more comprehensive measures.

British Post War Mass Housing Cultural Studies Essay

British Post War Mass Housing Cultural Studies Essay In this essay, I will focus primarily on housing constructed during the decade or so after the end of the Second World War as part of the progressive, experimental establishment of the Welfare State in Britain. Although housing was constructed speculatively by private developers on a fairly wide scale with varying degrees of success (Span schemes like New Ash Green in Kent, by Eric Lyons being an obvious and commonly cited success story), it is social housing which is linked most fascinatingly to the evolving socio-economic landscape in Britain, as I shall demonstrate. Housing provision by the end of the war, particularly in urban centres, was considered inadequate, not only in quantity, but in quality as well. War damage had impacted the quantity of housing stock, but additionally, much obsolete housing had been earmarked for demolition since before the war. Nicholas Taylor, writing in the AR in 1967, in a discussion of what he called the failure of housing in the postwar period, cites the negative [postwar] reaction to the boom towns of the industrial revolution as the reason for this. In particular, he says, [we] have aimed to prevent epidemic diseases cholera, dysentery, rickets, scurvy, typhoid, all diseases which were propagated by overcrowding, by bad sanitation, by inadequate facilities for the preparation of food and by the pollution of homes from adjoining factories. Clearly, a commitment to addressing these public health issues must be commended what I will be discussing is whether the attempt to do so through the medium of housing, and specifically social housing, can be considered successful. It is important to understand at the outset the politically progressive nature of housing policy in the period, embedded as it is in the establishment of the Welfare State, which is based on the principles of, equality of opportunity, equitable distribution of wealth, and public responsibility for those unable to avail themselves of the minimal provisions for a good life.[1] Architecturally, the modernist desire expressed by Le Corbusier to provide an environment that was spiritually fulfilling, creating harmony between people and their surroundings and freeing communities from the misery of poor housing[2] was perfectly in sync with the prevailing political commitment to decisively break away from unsanitary, overcrowded slums. I propose to discuss a handful of iconic/ notorious case studies of 50s and 60s mass housing, as they excite passionately polarized opinion and act as symbols for the wider debate. The first is Park Hill in Sheffield, built in 1960, which according to the Architectural Review (in 2011) marked the peak performance of Sheffields city architects office as run by J.K. Lewis Womersley, regarded by [Nikolaus] Pevsner as an outfit of national importance.[3] This building proved popular with its residents, who loved their flats and soon formed an effective association. It was also much lauded in architectural circlesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Its size and hillside location made it the prime example of streets in the air nationally, and for a decade or so it thronged with international visitors.[4] However, decline set in as the ideal of equality was eroded [and] social housing became the ghetto of a suppressed underclass, and the more active, capable and employed were encouraged to buy themselves out, leaving the disadvantaged in possession. This is the key trend not only in this case, but across the country, and my desire is to understand whether this was a reflection on poor architecture, changes in society, or both. In the case of Park Hill, a recent initiative, privately funded by the developer Urban Splash, to redevelop the building, has provoked fresh debate over its merits. A blog on the Guardian website[5] on the subject exemplifies this. One poster expressed typical views (my italics): As a foreigner from Leeds who has lived in Sheffield for 30 years I can support those who report that the people of Sheffield did not want Park Hill kept, and were mystified by the listing and bemused by the amounts of money, some of it public money, being spent on this eyesore. The bright coloured panels are not an improvement. Anyone in Sheffield with the money to buy one of the penthouses would be much better advised to spend it in one of Sheffields leafy and affluent suburbs, of which we have many, which also often enjoy superb views, as Sheffield is very hilly. This poster neatly expresses a popular verdict on dense, large scale urban social housing projects of the period, in which as long ago as 1967, It [was] easier to count the few unbroken panes of armoured glass on the staircases than the multitude which are cracked and splintered, and where economy on materials and inadequacy of detailing can be assessed as objective weaknesses, but what is perhaps more importantà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ is the subjective hatred of the tenants for the rough shuttered concrete that is thrust upon them.[6] Descriptions of inhumane proportions, undefined wastes, and, above all, women return[ing] from the shops to be blown about amid the appalling dinginess of rough shuttered concrete[7] (my italics) crop up again and again in discussing schemes like Park Hill, Robin Hood Gardens, Red Road etc. The posters views on the preferability of leafy and affluent suburbs to dense urban apartment typology for those who can afford it also reflect a lingering psychological scar in the popular psyche left by the memory of the descent of estates like Park Hill from source[s] of intense municipal socialist pride to dilapidated sink estate[s][8], as though by their very nature they preclude the presence of a functional, prosperous community. Is this the case? If it is, how could surveys at Park Hill show that through the 1970s residents remained consistently loyal and generally happy.[9] What caused the slide of schemes like Park Hill into dysfunctionality? The homebuilding drive, founded on the vision of spiritually uplifting accommodation for all, continued but à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the vision was damaged by lack of reform in the 1960s. Rather than opening up [the] low cost-balanced rented sector to supply the needs of a more wealthy and mobile population, it narrowed to serve the restricted needs of welfare housing.[10] This was a key error, and precipitated a vicious circle of decline. The 60s was a period of economic optimism, in which comparative affluence was accessible to many more families than previously. An aspirational desire among those in social housing developed to graduate to home ownership. Very large council estates, tower blocks in the cities and restrictive letting policies contrasted with the variety of choices available for home ownership. From the 1960s, the welfare characteristic (residualisation) of council housing began to develop as a stigma from which home ownership was the natural escape.[11] The original dream of social housing as a living tapestry of a mixed community[12] was replaced instead by welfare housing, which established a low cost rented stock but created deep social problems and lost the affections of the electorate. A different political vision could have avoided this. Pre-war restrictions, limiting public housing to the working classes had been repealed in the 1949 Housing Act, opening up a universally accessible rented council house sector. If public housing had remained just that, rather than seguing into welfare housing, the vicious circle of decline would have lacked the conditions to come into being. The living tapestry of a mixed community could have remained. With Park Hill and its cousins populated as a matter of new policy increasingly by those on welfare, however, financial structures of dependency [were] deliberately imposed on social housing[13]. An alienated quality grew as residents of the schemes became increasingly cast adrift from mainstream society. A further strand to this narrative was playing out in the form of a shift in the structure of the economy in Britain. Sheffield grew up producing steel, in the 18th century knives and tools, in the 19th century heavy industry, with a high population of low paid but skilled manual workers. As the 1970s drew to an end and Thatcher came to power, the shift in policy away from provision of affordable social housing accelerated against a backdrop of an increasingly deindustrialized economy. The original inhabitants of the Park Hill and schemes like it, who had once been a proud working class, increasingly found themselves unemployed and without prospects of employment. It is certainly arguable that problems in residualized estates in decline, like Park Hill would have been exacerbated by the scale of social problems developing independently of housing policy. In the public imagination, then, the built fabric of the postwar years has not only become synonymous with social failure and breakdown, it is perceived as a cause of it. Failed buildings are pulled down, and it is easy to speculate that they are being made scapegoats for wider problems. Can an architectural defense be mounted for schemes like Park Hill, or Robin Hood Gardens? The latter is similar to the former a serpentine, high density block, this time inserted into an area of bomb damaged terraces (the standard grain of working class England) in London. What the Smithsons [architects] wanted to achieve was intended to maintain community dynamics [of the bombed out terraces] rather than to replace them with something entirely different. However, what they had not expected, as Kenneth Frampton pointed out in his book Modern Architecture, a Critical History, was that three principal features of the by-law street would be absent in their proposed blocks: first, the dynamics associated with dwellings on both sides of a street, secondly, the community life associated with the street at ground level, and thirdly, the backyard, which played a crucial role in by-law housing and the life of its communities. [14] Robin Hood Gardens, then, contained inherently flawed logic. But the flaws were shared by Park Hill, which prospered during a period when it wasnt handicapped by other factors. [Park Hill] is commonly described as the largest listed building in Europe and the largest listed brutalist or 60s building. In fact, says Owen Hatherley, its none of those things, with all those titles being taken by Londons Barbican estate: a place that, like Park Hill, is full of bare concrete, open space, urban density, walkways, social and the separation of pedestrian and car. One is a problem that apparently had to be solved; the other one of Londons most prestigious addresses. Why? The obvious reason is that one is council housing and the other, from the very start, was built as private housing. Accordingly, the Barbican has always been cleaned and cared for; Park Hill has been left to rot.[15] Physically, the Barbican is a close relative of a Park Hill, or a Robin Hood Gardens. Socially, though it bears more resemblance to Park Lane. This constitutes evidence against the argument that the decline into dysfunction of large, dense postwar urban social housing developments was an inevitable consequence of poor design. Further support from this position comes from a comparison between Park Hill and many of todays luxury apartment developments. Park Hill was accused of being disconnected from the surrounding fabric, isolating its inhabitants from the life of the city at large but what of the urban regeneration of the last few years in the light of the financial crisis? What do the speculative redevelopments of inner cities look like now? They have become the new ruins of Great Britain. These places have ruination in abundance: partly because of the way they were invariably surrounded by the derelict and un-regenerated, whether rotting industrial remnants or the giant retail and entertainment sheds of the 80s and 90s; partly because they were often so badly built, with pieces of render and wood frequently flaking off within less than a year of completion; but partly because they were so often empty, in every sense. Empty of architectural inspiration, empty of social hope or idealism, and often empty of people, Clarence Dock and Glasgow Harbour had a hard time filling their minimalist microflats with either buyers or buy-to-let investors.[16] We can begin to see that although marketed and branded differently, contemporary developer led, aspirational urban regeneration, may in fact suffer from similar or worse problems relating to its context as the maligned social schemes of the postwar period. Think of Glasgow Harbour, stranded by the Clyde and cut off from the city by the Clydeside Expressway. Worse, analysis of the flats themselves reveals a shocking inferiority in terms of space standards in contemporary developments compared to the 60s schemes. The logic was straightforward says the Architectural Review in its analysis of Park Hills original planning principles: a slab block up to 13 stories high and about 10m wide would permit a habitable room each side and centrally serviced bathrooms, while gallery access was preferred to a double loaded corridor. By making maisonettes with internal staircases it was possible for one gallery to serve 3 floors. Greatest design ingenuity went into planning interlocking flats of different sizes, making best use of the limited spaceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. [space standards] now seem generous, in relation to the products of mass house builders[17]. This, they note, is still valid logic if you accept the inevitability of flats for high densities in urban situations, as exist in cities worldwide. Even much admired contemporary schemes, like the Panter Hudspith development at Bear Lane in London, feature double loaded internal deck access, permitting only single aspect flats, with cramped accommodation yet their skin is considered attractive, and they are praised, despite inferior circulation and planning principles. Before concluding, I wish to note that whilst I have tried to demonstrate that it is impossible to blame the general failure of British postwar social housing on its architecture, there is still a world of difference in quality between the Red Road scheme, for example, and a Lasdun or Lubetkin scheme. Lasdun, even within tight budgetary constraints and a density target set by the local council of 200 people per square acre, managed to apply intelligence and subtlety to his designs for Keeling House, Bethnal Green in 1958 for example: the scale of the 14 floors was purposely designed to reflect the two storey brick terraces around it, essentially like a row of houses tipped up on its end.[18] This is architecture as we are taught it thoughtful, embedded in context. We should remember as well that Park Hill is no simple monolith inserted carelessly into Sheffield ­. Its very form is a response to specific topography, with its well known horizontal roof datum capping a 13 storey str ucture at the bottom of the hill and nuzzling into a street of Victorian villas at four storeys at the top. In conclusion, there is never an excuse for bad design although the fact that mass social housing in Britain ultimately failed is, in the end, not due to design at all, but to policy.